A
KIND OF MUTINY
It
has been common knowledge for a long time that Pius XII
(who died on Oct. 9, 1958) had already considered the possibility
of summoning an ecumenical council. He was succeeded by
John XXIII who, at the time, was regarded as a transitional
pope (transitional from what to what?). Hardly three months
after being elected, he announced his intention of convoking
a council. The Curia and the Preparatory Commissions began
their preparation and, after 18 months' work, presented
73 "schemas" which were either rejected or profoundly
modified by the Council itself. The magazine La Croix,
in a special issue in December, 1975, carried an interview
with the Dominican Fr. Yves Congar (who was subsequently
made a cardinal and was one of the Council's "experts").
In this article, Fr. Congar openly ridiculed these "schemas":
"Seventy-three of them! Many of them reflected the
theology of Pius XII and re-affirmed counter-reformation
doctrine…" It could not be clearer: those who pulled
the strings of the Council did not want to hear any talk
either of "Catholic theology" (for there is no
such thing as a personal theology of Pius XII) or of the
council of Trent.
It
was at that point that Pope John XXIII played a part which
reminds one of the Sorcerer's Apprentice. The fact is that
he was suddenly overtaken by events, giving the impression
that he was no longer capable of governing. According to
the reports of Fr. Congar (and others), the Pope "had
something simple in mind, a kind of kerygmatic1
theology
of the Faith, with a very detailed adaptation of Canon Law."
In the event, this Council, which Pope John XXIII intended
to last for two months and be completed by Christmas, continued
for four years.
The
Council had hardly begun, Fr. Congar tells us in the same
interview, when "the bishops became more confident
and very quickly, from October 1962, a certain number of
bishops had simply decided to reject the doctrinal schemas
which had already been prepared."
Carried
along by this tidal wave, it is reported that Pope John
XXIII said to several cardinals (from whom Fr. Congar got
his information): "They didn't understand me."
If this is so, it implies that he never regained control
of the situation. Archbishop Lefebvre, in one of his first
addresses on this subject (1969), referring to events which
in many ways resembled a mutiny, said:
The
whole drama of this situation is this...and I am not the
only one to think so: from the very first days, the Council
was under siege by the forces of progressivism….We were
convinced that something abnormal was happening in the
Council. It was scandalous how people were trying to turn
the Council from its purpose by attacking the Roman Curia
and, thereby, Rome herself and the successor of Peter.
THE
"SPIRIT OF THE COUNCIL"
All
the preceding councils, with the exception of the 4th (Chalcedon)
and the 13th (Lyons), exhibit a rigorous pattern; the true
doctrine is set forth and the opposite errors are condemned.
This is carried out in a logical sequence which means that
these two parts are inseparable: the second flows necessarily
and logically from the first. By contrast, the acts of Vatican
II are in the form of a series of addresses followed by
recommendations, exhortations and vague suggestions, which
are thus capable of being turned and applied in the particular
sense desired by the Council's manipulators. To understand
Vatican II, one must bear in mind that the particular approach
adopted in each area discussed in its documents follows,
in its turn, from a certain general approach which could
be called the "Spirit of the Council"...astray
and evasive like the spirit of modernity, twisting and slippery
as an eel. Accordingly, if one manages to catch a thread,
one must follow it and not let it go. Such a thread might
be, for instance, the special supplement of La Croix
of Dec. 1975, ten years after the Council, dedicated specifically
to the "great new approach" of the Council. What
we have here is a very interesting analysis of the conciliar
documents, followed by an even more interesting interview
with Fr. Congar who, in the meantime, had been raised to
the dignity of the Cardinalate...which gives his words the
weight and value of approval on the part of the Curia and
the Sovereign Pontiff.
THE
"MOST FUNDAMENTAL" TEXT
Fr.
Congar, while he has no great opinion of the Declaration
on Religious Liberty (Dignitatis Humanae) which he
regards as a banal document with no other merit than having
"contradicted the Syllabus," exalts the merits
of the Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation (Dei
Verbum) and regrets that this text did not have a greater
impact.
We
too admit that this document is of great importance but
for reasons very different from those of Fr. Congar.
Passing
over his laudatory commentaries on things he approves of,
we shall concentrate on his statement that this constitution
had "a considerable influence":
Although
it is one of the shortest texts of the Council, this constitution
is perhaps the most fundamental. By making Scripture the
basis of preaching and theology, it has indicated the
direction to be taken by all the other texts of the Council.
It has presided over the liturgical reform by allowing
Christians to have access to a wider choice of scriptural
passages, both in the Mass and in the other sacraments.
By refusing to ratify the theory of the two sources of
revelation (Scripture and Tradition), it permitted a rapprochement
with Protestants [who evidently admit only scripture,
not tradition - Ed.] and had a considerable ecumenical
influence. Fr. Congar was able to say that this constitution
had put an end to the Counter-Reformation (i.e.,
the Council of Trent).
ALIGNMENT
WITH LUTHERANISM
In
other words, this conciliar constitution, which claims to
be "dogmatic" and which has set the direction
for all the other conciliar texts, which has presided over
the liturgical reform, which has had a considerable ecumenical
influence, intends to impose - as a dogma - the liquidation
of the Tridentine Counter-Reformation. Thus it prescribes
alignment with the Protestant Reformation, which the Council
of Trent was (we must suppose) mistaken in opposing!
The
new "pastoral" approach which the Council wanted
to impose dogmatically (Dei Verbum is a "dogmatic
constitution") is an invitation to ignore the Council
of Trent, to act as if it no longer exists, as if it no
longer has any validity. This is the return to the Protestant
principle of "sola Scriptura" - Scripture
alone is the source of revelation -which explains (and here
Fr. Congar is right) the ecumenical strategy of the Council
and the total reform of the liturgy, not only of the ritual
but of the entire temporal cycle. This explains the pre-eminent
place given to the "Liturgy of the Word" and to
biblical texts (sola Scriptura), going hand-in-hand
with the disappearance of the systematic teaching of religion
according to a true Catechism (which is the Catechism of
the Council of Trent, which formed the basis of the diocesan
catechisms until 30 years ago). This explains the return
to the Memorial of the Last Supper, which does not need
a true altar but only a simple table, and the de-natured
function of the priest, who no longer sacrifices but has
become the president of the assembly.
An historic moment: January 25, 1959,
in the Basilica of St. Paul-Outside-the-Walls,
Pope John XXIII announces that the Second Vatican Council
will take place.
THE
ECUMENICAL APPROACH
We
are very well aware that the liturgical reform has been
following scarcely camouflaged ecumenical objectives. The
reformers, working together with well-known Protestants,
played on the ambivalence of the new rite and, by means
of this subterfuge, toyed with the idea that the reformed
missal could be used by both Catholics and Protestants,
together or separately.
This
is intellectual dishonesty, which has created and maintained
ambiguity in the hope of attracting Protestants. There is
something in this which recalls Pascal's famous "wager,"
in the sense that the catholic invites the non-Catholic
to have some experience of Catholic religious practice,
by substituting habit for faith. This is why, by the way,
certain philosophers consider Pascal a modernist before
his time. The "experience" of Catholicism as a
source of Faith is very close to modernist immanentism,
if not identical with it.
It
is permissible to see similarities between Pascal's "wager"
and what is called" communio in sacris,"
which the Council's Decree on Ecumenism, far from excluding,
considers positively as something to be "sometimes
desirable" as a way of re-establishing Christian
unity, a method to be used with " discernment,"
prudently, according to the judgment of episcopal authority
such precautions are more in the nature of a pious hope.
"Communio
in sacris" means participation by non-Catholics
in the sacred action, i. e., the liturgy, not only
in prayer. There is more than a simple analogy between this
practice, which is growing more and more, and Pascal's "wager."
The latter invites the non-believer, whom he would like
to lead to the Faith by means of religious practice, to
"wager" on the existence or non-existence of God
and then, on the basis of belief in God's existence, to
draw the practical consequences for his life. After this,
Pascal indicates what he believes to be the "system"
already followed by others:
Begin
where they have begun, that is, by doing everything as
if they were already believers, taking holy water, having
Masses said, etc…. Naturally, that will bring you
to believe and help you to become accustomed (Pensées,
No.233).
The
justified objection to this method is that it has substituted
external gestures for the internal act of faith and has
given the non-believer license to perform sacred acts in
virtue of "experience," whereas these acts are
reserved by the Church to those who have the Faith and the
necessary purity of heart. Thus it has authorized the non-believer
to perform sacrilegious and gravely culpable acts). Applied
to Ecumenism, this process consists, neither more nor less,
in inviting Protestants and Orthodox to "act as
if they were Catholics," in Pascal's terms and
to join in (communicatio) the Church's liturgy (in
sacris) after having accommodated it in order to make
it easier for them to take this step. In other words, the
liturgical reformers have lowered the threshold of orthodoxy
so that the invited guests should not stumble at the first
step.
The
practical result, which is growing more and more evident,
is that there are no conversions, while among Catholics,
the view is more and more widespread that all the Christian
denominations and all the religions are of equal value.
Thus, what people believe they can gain in the name of a
misconceived charity, is lost at the level of Faith. Is
this a coincidence? The effect is contained potentially
in the cause, and the cause can be correctly identified
in what La Croix called "the Council's great
new approach."
THE
" ANTHROPOLOGICAL " APPROACH
A second
current which has determined the reflections and acts of
the Council Fathers is the so-called Theological Anthropology
or Anthropological Theology, which has transformed theology
into sociology. The most authoritative witness to this approach
is Pope Paul VI himself. On December 7, 1965, addressing
the Council in its final session, he said:
Secular
humanism has finally appeared in its terrible dimensions
and, in a certain sense, has defied the Council. The religion
of God Who becomes Man has confronted the religion of
Man who becomes God! What was the result? A shock, a struggle,
an anathema? It would have been possible but it did not
happen….It is the discovery of human needs...that has
absorbed the attention of our Synod……
Has
all this, and everything we could say about the human
value of the Council, perhaps deflected the spirit of
the Church in the Council towards the anthropocentric
thrust of modem culture? Not deflected, but given it an
orientation. No one observing this predominant interest
on the part of the Council, in human and temporal values,
can deny that this interest is due to the pastoral character
which the Council has chosen as its program. Such an observer
would have to recognize that this same interest has never
been separated from the most authentic religious interest,
either by the charity which is its sole inspiration, or
by the close link, constantly affirmed and promoted by
the Council, between human and temporal values and those
properly called spiritual, religious and eternal: we yield
to man, to the earth, but we raise them up to the Kingdom
of God (Homily, Dec. 7, 1965, Osservatore Romano,
Dec. 8, 1965).
This
is a confession of considerable weight: the Church has turned
towards man.
Are
we to understand that the Church has turned towards man
by turning its back on God? Pope Paul VI says no; the hierarchy
will certainly say no. But when, 30 years after the end
of the Council, we see that the bishops and their clergy
have become sociologists and, in fact, no longer teach religion,
one can and must wonder if, after all the discussions and
statements, this is not the reality of the situation: the
Church, in the person of her ministers, has turned towards
man by turning away from God.
The
"Christian" philanthropy has infiltrated everywhere.
It is even found in the Decree on Ecumenism, in the second
chapter which deals with the practice of Ecumenism. Here
we find a section devoted to "collaboration with our
separated brethren," who are invited to join in the
crusade "against the afflictions of our times, such
as famine and natural disasters, illiteracy and poverty,
lack of housing and the unequal distribution of wealth,"
all objectives within the competence of states and public
authorities and not of the Church.
So
there is no surprise when we see the Pope calling the heads
of the principal world religions together at Assisi to promote
peace by common prayer. Projects of this kind are perfectly
in line with the approach set forth by the Council.
THE
"SPIRIT OF INDEPENDENCE"
A third
factor, which is more a mentality than a deliberate approach
but which played its part at the Council and goes a long
way towards explaining what happened "after the Council,"
is the spirit of independence - which is at the root of
Protestantism.
The
first manifestation of the spirit of rebellion was the mutiny
of an important segment of the episcopate at the start of
the Council Immediately thereafter the modernists took charge
of the direction the Council was to take. Thanks to this
initial revolt against authority, the bishops became infatuated
with independence and "freedom." It was at this
time that one impertinent individual, having said that after
Vatican I, the Church had had some great Popes, like Leo
XIII, Pius X, Pius XI and Pius XII, dared to add that, with
the passage of time, the Roman Curia had become a perfectly
effective...omnipotent...instrument of government and study...in
other words, it had become tyrannical.
During
the Council, Pope Paul VI seemed to share this blind opposition
to supreme power. In the interview already mentioned,
Fr. Congar gives this testimony:
When
he (Pope Paul VI) intervened, he did so with great discretion.
As he said several times, he would have preferred not
to intervene at all but to leave the Council free. But
several times, he reminded us that he was at least one
of the Council fathers. There is something unsatisfactory
about the way the pope, with his primacy, is related to
the Council, of which the pope is a member. We lack a
good theological and practical relationship between these
two realities (and yet there has been an excellent relationship
between them for 2,000 years. One only has to remember
that the pope is not a member of the Council but its head,
and that he is indispensable to the Council's validity.)
Pope Paul VI intervened discreetly in some Commissions;
he sent "modi" (modifications) to the
Theological Commission several times, but left it free
whether to adopt them or not. Sometimes the Commission
rejected these "modi": He also intervened
to have 19 "modi" inserted into the Decree
on Ecumenism, which provoked a stir because the text had
already been voted on by the whole Council. Of these 19
"modi, " only three or four were really concerned
with the text. Pope Paul VI had no idea that his intervention
would give rise to such a storm of protest. Finally, he
did not want to have to repeat his action and asked that
the texts should be given to him in good time,
so that he could make his observations on them.
Here
we must recall the episode of the Nota Praevia (Preliminary
Explanatory Note) which was imposed by Pope Paul VI
to make it clear in the traditional sense the term "collegiality"
was to be understood. The very existence of this Nota
Praevia (see following page), quite independently of
what it contains, is one proof among many of the lack of
intellectual rigor on the part of the Council's artisans.
The most worrying thing, however, is the incoherent position
of the Pope vis-a-vis the Council, as underlined
by Fr. Congar. This is the attitude of a Head who has no
awareness of his authority and who dares not intervene.
At all events, he does not intervene very much, nor does
he do so in a precise manner. We find an incoherent theological
attitude here. On the one hand, from time to time, he is
obliged to remind the fathers that he has the primacy, while
on the other hand it seems that, with his "discreet"
interventions, he is trying to win acceptance as one Council
father among others (which he is not).
Is
not this attitude an implicit avowal of that "conciliarism"
- an ancient heresy going back to the 12th century - which
affirmed that the Council is superior to the pope and which
was condemned by Vatican I? Pope Paul VI has thus given
the impression that he would be content with a simple primacy
of honor: “primus in16 ter pares." This is precisely
what the Orthodox schism claims. In any case, this strange
Council leaves us with the question: was Pope Paul VI in
charge of it, or was it in charge of him?
THE
MODERNIST TYRANNY
The
sequel is in line with this desire for emancipation on the
part of the bishops. They demand that the Roman Curia be
"internationalized": it is granted. They demand
the reform of the Curia and of Church government: the reform
was initiated on August 15, 1967, with the constitution
Regimini Ecclesiae Universae, which satisfies those
who were complaining of the "tyranny" of Rome.
The Holy Office, whose essential task was to guard the integrity
of the doctrine of Faith - which was why it was feared by
the modernists - is liquidated to make room for a kind of
Theologians' Academy without any coercive powers. The case
of Hans Küng amply demonstrated this. The Consistory, a
disciplinary congregation (a kind of council of the Episcopal
Order), was also liquidated and replaced by a Congregation
for Bishops without coercive powers. Moreover, all the congregations
lose their autonomy and are now dependent on the Secretariat
of State, which thus becomes the central organ of Church
government, whereas the pope is reduced to a figurehead,
like the sovereign of a modern state where the king reigns
but does not govern. From 1967 on, a reign of inverse tyranny
begins in the Church. The tyranny of the modernists, who
have taken over all controls.
One
beneficial effect of the new constitution Pastor Bonus
of June 28, 1988, has been to restore to the Roman congregations
a part of the autonomy which had been removed from them
by the constitution Regimini Ecclesiae Universae,
but that does not mean that the Church is safe. The evil
has been done and the damage has not been repaired. Thirty
years after Vatican II, the Church is 90% Protestant.
ATTEMPTS
TO PROTESTANTIZE THE CHURCH
Once
the boundaries were thrown down and the Roman guardianship
shaken, the bishops, in their turn, saw their diocesan clergy
adopting the same attitude towards them. Then the faithful
did the same towards their parish clergy, thanks to the
bad example set by those above them. We must even say that
it was the clergy themselves who pushed the faithful to
act in this way.
Thinking
that they were doing well to adulate the laity, who were
now invited to become “adult Christians,” bishops and clergy
sowed the wind and reaped the whirlwind. In turn, the faithful
made themselves independent. Who cannot see the enormous
difference between “adult Christians” and Christian adults?
In the wake of the Council, Christians who foolishly had
been taught that henceforth they were “adults” grasped that
this implied that they were to reject all tutelage, doctrinal
and disciplinary, on the part of their pastors. That is
how the mentality of the Protestant “freedom of conscience”
has been insinuated into people’s minds, without the need
-as Luther did long ago, at Wittenberg - to nail a series
of theses to the Church doors, declaring the break with
Rome. Luther's Protestantism was doctrinal; that of the
modernists, for 30 years, has been practical. It is a Protestantism
of deeds, it is concrete, but the result is the same. Why
should we be surprised at the attempts to rehabilitate Luther?
And what is the purpose of this rehabilitation? Perhaps
to facilitate the return of Lutherans to the Catholic Church?
...Let's be serious for once!
And
why should we be amazed at the demands made in the petition
circulated last year in Germany by the group calling itself
"We are Church”? The one thing follows directly
from the other!
Insofar
as these faithful - though it must be questioned whether
they belong to the Church - regard themselves as liberated
from hierarchical tutelage, and insofar as their thinking
is unconsciously influenced by the democratic principles
of modern society, they are only imitating the kind of false
demands made by trade-unions in the economic and social
sphere. To show them that they are in error, one would have
to go right up to the top of the ladder of ideas and there
one would arrive at the testimony of Fr. Congar:
One
day John XXIII said that he wanted to open wide the Church's
doors and windows: de facto the power of speech
had been given to the Church, whereas under Pius XII,
people were restricted to repeating the Pope's words.
In
the world of ideas, there are some things as dangerous as
grenades; when they are man-handled, they explode and the
damage sometimes far exceeds all prediction.
BUT
IT’S YESTERDAY’S POPES WHO ARE TO BLAME
Would
the hierarchy have the courage, 30 years after Vatican II,
to draw up the balance-sheet? Will it still say that, as
some people have said, one has to distinguish between the
Council and what came after it?
On
this matter, Fr. Congar gave an astonishing answer to the
readers of La Croix in 1976: those responsible for
the post-conciliar confusion, he suggested, were Gregory
XVI, Pius IX, Pius X and Pius XII, whose qualities as a
very great pope he is quick to acknowledge, only to go on
to attack him in what follows:
Many
people have failed to take account of the radical change
brought about by Vatican II. The Church of the period
of Pius XII, who was a very great pope with extraordinary
prestige and influence, was submissive in a way that the
youngest people of today have not the least idea. Rome
then exercised an extremely effective and rigorous control
in all areas, based in part on a theology - Roman Scholasticism
- but also on a canonical, ethical and cultural systems…The
whole drama of the post-conciliar period is due to the
fact that things that had been blocked and kept at bay
for too long by a Church which kept its doors and windows
closed, are now violently - and somewhat blindly - forcing
their way in. A kind of vast thaw seems to be carrying
everything away with it. To put it more precisely, the
18th and 19th centuries produced some noble values and
achievements: confidence in human effort, in science,
in progress, in the desire for freedom and the democratic
awareness, in equality and social justice, in historical
criticism…including that applied to the Bible. All this
came about in a climate in which Man was exalted, and
clearly the Church could not approve of this. Some people,
it is true, began to distinguish between what was true
and what was unacceptable, but in general, and particularly
on the part of popes like Gregory XVI, Pius IX and, to
some extent, Pius X, the Church's attitude was one of
rejection - it was the mentality of a city under siege.
Today doors and windows are open. It is impossible to
rehabilitate two centuries of history within the space
of 20 or 30 years. What we must do is acknowledge and
accept things that have been forgotten for too long, while
keeping in touch with the Faith. And here the Council
gives us good guidance. It is not the Council
which is the cause of the crisis but rather the fact that
people ignore the crisis or fail to respond to it.
Clearly,
then, the distant origin of the post-conciliar disorder
and confusion must be sought in the narrow mentality of
the popes of the 19th and 20th centuries, including Pius
XII.
However,
when one takes the trouble to analyze the "great new
approach" of the Council, and when one has understood
that this fundamental approach of rejecting Tradition, the
substitution of sociology for theology, and all-round emancipation
explains both the Council and what came after the Council,
one has also grasped the intellectual continuity between
them and the common cause they share.
CONCLUSIONS
It
will be remembered that Fr. Congar was influential at the
Council as a theologian, as one of its "experts."
This is widely known. He himself was not slow to mention
the fact and the journalists who interviewed him were happy
to underline it, in order to give importance and authority
to his utterances. What he said on the approach adopted
by the Council, which is presented as a huge enterprise
with a pastoral aim, and that had broken with the Counter-Reformation,
cannot be neglected. The fact is that his observations on
the achievement of Vatican II have not been rectified by
the French episcopate nor by Rome. Not only has Fr. Congar
not been disavowed, he was conferred with the cardinalitial
dignity. This has given to his views, declarations, writings
and publications, the highest guarantee he could have hoped
for. Elevating him to the cardinalate, Pope John Paul II
and the cardinals of the Curia have ratified Congar's views
and commentaries on the Council's whole approach, giving
them an official certificate of authority. From the simple
religious he was in 1960, Cardinal Congar has thus become
the Council's authorized interpreter, in the name of the
hierarchy.
Having
taken note of this, it will be easy to draw the following
consequences - indeed, they are dazzlingly self-evident:
1.
In pursuing a "pastoral" aim which breaks
with the Counter-Reformation, the artisans of Vatican II
have first of all put themselves out of range of the assistance
of the Holy Ghost. It follows from this that Vatican II
is merely a human work, a work of Churchmen. Its declarations
must, therefore, be evaluated by reference to traditional
doctrine.
2.
Everything in the Council texts (constitutions, decrees,
declarations) which calls for the faith and assent of the
faithful would not be there had there not been 20 previous,
authentic, infallible and irreformable councils. In other
words, the Faith and adherence of the faithful has for its
object, beyond Vatican II, all the doctrine formulated previously
and which is found scattered here and there, in fragmentary
allusions, in the Council texts. This means that the Council,
as a point of reference, is not only incomplete and therefore
superfluous, but it is furthermore harmful insofar as it
is contaminated by the modernist vein, which is a spiritual
poison.
Here
it is appropriate to recall that the dogmatic constitution
Dei Verbum, which deals with Divine Revelation and
replaced the original schema entitled De Fontibus Revelationis,
is considered to be the most important document since it
gave the direction for the other conciliar texts. It directed
the liturgical reform and, by refusing to ratify the theory
of the two sources of revelation (Scripture and Tradition),
it permitted - as they claim - a rapprochement with
Protestants and exercised a considerable ecumenical influence…This
is the constitution which, according to Fr. Congar, has
put an end to the Counter- Reformation.
3.
In spite of appearances, therefore, Vatican II is a
pseudo-council. From a totally different point of view,
one could say that it was useful in the life and health
of the Church in the way that, in the field of medicine,
an abscess can be regarded as useful since it concentrates
and localizes the organism's infection. Sooner or later,
the "conciliar" men, identified with the modernists,
will be eliminated from the Church.
No
true progress, no ecclesial development, can be accomplished
outside of Tradition, let alone where it is rejected. Yet
that is what the artisans of Vatican II wanted and that
is what they did. In this matter, Cardinal Congar has given
us a formal, irrefutable testimony.
(Translated
by Graham Harrison from Courrier de Rome, May 1998,
for the Society of Saint Pius X's quarterly review in Ireland,
St.John's Bulletin.)
1.Kerygma,
kJ-rig'mJ(Gr. keryssein, to proclaim): The heralding
or announcing of the king's coming. In the primitive Church
it meant the proclamation of the Gospel as the good news
of salvation. Today this term refers to the emphasis to
be given to preaching, catechesis and theology, as a proclamation
of God's word among men, centered in Christ. (Definition
given in The Maryknoll Catholic Dictionary, 1965.)
ANNOUNCEMENT
MADE BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE COUNCIL AT THE ONE
HUNDRED AND TWENTY-THIRD GENERAL CONGREGATION, NOV. 16,
1964
A query
has been made as to what is the theological qualification
to be attached to the teaching put forward in the schema
The Church, on which a vote is to be taken.
The
doctrinal commission has replied to this query in appraising
the modi proposed to the third chapter of the schema
The Church:
As
is self-evident, the conciliar text is to be interpreted
in accordance with the general rules which are known to
all.
On
this occasion, the doctrinal commission referred to its
Declaration of Mar. 6, 1964, which we reproduce here:
Taking
into account conciliar practice and the pastoral purpose
of the present council, the sacred synod defined as binding
on the Church only those matters of faith and morals which
it has expressly put forward as such.
Whatever
else it proposes as the teaching of the supreme magisterium
of the Church is to be acknowledged and accepted by each
and every member of the faithful according to the mind
of the Council, which is clear from the subject matter
and its formulation following the norms of the theological
interpretation.
The
following explanatory note prefixed to the modi of
chapter three of the schema The Church is given to
the Fathers, and it is according to the mind and sense of
the note that the teaching contained in chapter three is
to be explained and understood.
PRELIMINARY
EXPLANATORY NOTE
The
commission has decided to preface its assessment of the
modi with the following general observations.
1.
The word College is not taken in the strictly
juridical sense, that is, as a group of equals who transfer
their powers to their chairman, but as a permanent body
whose form and authority is to be ascertained from revelation.
For this reason it is explicitly said about the twelve apostles
in the reply to modus 12 that Our Lord constituted
them “as a college or permanent group” (cf. modus
53,c). In the same way the words “Order” or “Body”
are used at other times for the college of bishops. The
parallel between Peter and the apostles on the one hand,
and the Pope and the bishops on the other, does not imply
the transmission of the extraordinary power of the apostles
to their successors, nor obviously does it imply equality
between the head and members of the college, but only a
proportion between the two relationships: Peter – apostles
and popes – bishops. And therefore the commission decided
to write in Art 2 not “in the same manner” (eadem
ratione) but “in like manner” (pari ratione).
2.
A man becomes a member of the college through episcopal
consecration and hierarchical communion with the head of
the college and its members (cf. art.22. end of §1).
It
is the unmistakable teaching of tradition, including liturgical
tradition, that an ontological share in the sacred
functions is given by consecration. The word function
is deliberately used in preference to powers which
can have a sense of powers ordered to action. A
canonical or juridical determination through
hierarchical authority is required for such power ordered
to action. A determination of this kind can come about through
appointment to a particular office or the assignment of
subjects, and is conferred according to norms approved by
the supreme authority. The need for a further norm follows
from the nature of the case, because it is a question of
functions to be discharged by more than one subject
who work together in the hierarchy of functions intended
by Christ. “Communion” of this kind was in fact a feature
abiding in the varying circumstances of the life
of the Church through the ages, before it was endorsed and
codified by law.
For
this reason it is expressly stated that hierarchical
communion with the head and members is required. The idea
of communion was highly valued in the early Church,
and indeed it is today, especially in the East. It is not
to be understood as some vague sort of goodwill,
but as something organic which calls for a juridical
structure as well as being enkindled by charity. The commission,
therefore, agreed, almost unanimously, on the wording “in
hierarchical communion” (cf. modus 40 and the
statements about canonical mission in art.24).
The
documents of recent popes dealing with episcopal jurisdiction
are to be interpreted as referring to this necessary determination
of powers.
3.
There is no such thing as the college without its head:
it is “The subject of supreme and entire power over
the whole Church.” This much must be acknowledge lest the
fullness of the pope’s power be jeopardized. The idea of
college necessarily and at all times involves a head and
in the college the head preserves intact his function
as Vicar of Christ and pastor of the universal Church.
In other words, it is not a distinction between the Roman
Pontiff and the bishops taken together, but the Roman Pontiff
by himself and the Roman Pontiff along with the bishops.
The pope alone, in fact, being head of the college,
is qualified to perform certain actions in which the bishops
have no competence whatsoever, for example, the convocation
and direction of the college, approval of the norms of its
activity, and so (cf. Modus 18). It is for the pope,
to whom the care of the whole flock of Christ has been entrusted,
to decide the best manner of implementing this care, either
personal or collegiate, in order to meet the changing needs
of the Church in the course of time. The Roam Pontiff undertakes
the regulation, encouragement, and approval of the exercise
of collegiality as he sees fit.
4.
The pope, as supreme pastor of the Church, may exercise
his power at any time, as he sees fit, by reason of the
demands of his office. But as the Church’s tradition attests,
the college, although it is always in existence, is not
for that reason continually engaged in strictly collegiate
activity. In other words, it is not always “in full activity”
(in acta pleno); in fact it is only occasionally
that it engages in strictly collegiate activity and that
only with the consent of the head (nonnisi consentiente
capite). The phrase “with the consent of the head” is
used in order to exclude the impresssion of dependence on
something external; but the word “consent” entails communion
between head and members and calls for this action
which is exclusive to the head. The point is expressly stated
in art. 22, §2 and it is explained at the end of the same
article. The negative formulation “only with” (nonnisi)
covers all cases: consequently it is evident that the norms
approved by the supreme authority must always be observed
(cf. modus 84).
Clearly
it is the connection of bishops with their head
that is in question throughout and not the activity of bishops
independently of the pope. In a case like that, in
default of the pope’s action, the bishops cannot act as
a college, for this is obvious from the idea of “college”
itself. This hierarchical communion of all bishops with
the pope is unmistakably hallowed by tradition.
N.B.:
- The ontologico–sacramental function, which must be distinguished
from the juridico–canonical aspect, cannot be discharged
without hierarchical communion. It was decided in the commission
not to enter into questions of liceity and validity,
which are to be left to theologians, particularly in regards
to the power exercised de facto among separated Eastern
Christians, about which there are divergent opinions. [Austin
Flannery, O.P., Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and
Post-Conciliar Documents, Vol. 1.]
Courtesy of the Angelus
Press, Kansas City, MO 64109
translated from the Italian
Fr. Du Chalard
Via Madonna degli Angeli, 14
Italia 00049 Velletri (Roma)
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